Our partisanship rankings have always been a single list combining Democratic and Republican pundits, and I’ve gone to some lengths to try to account for the unbalanced political landscape. But this year’s rankings suggest that it’s an impossible task — there’s almost a total stratification, with Democratic pundits having higher partisanship scores. That could mean that our ten Democrats are just more partisan, but I don’t think the data supports that.
Controversial, activist Republicans control both elective branches of government and I think we’re just seeing an extreme difference in the available targets for criticism. Most columnists spend far more of their time criticizing the other party than defending their own. Democratic pundits in 2005 work in a target-rich environment: Bush, Cheney, Rumsfeld, Rove, DeLay. Last year there was John Kerry and John Edwards, but how many high-profile Democrats can provide enough material for the steady screed-stream necessary to top the rankings? How many columns could one write about Howard Dean, Nancy Pelosi or Hillary Clinton in a non-election year while they’re out of power?
When Republican pundits have a shortage of juicy Democratic targets, they tend to write a scattering of cultural columns and find a few occasions to substantively criticize other Republicans. For instance, Charles Krauthammer’s score is half what it was during his anti-Kerry 2004; this year he’s written some serious Republican criticism along with several non-political columns on the Middle East and one on baseball.
I’ve resisted it in the past, but maybe I should print separate partisanship lists for Democratic and Republican pundits to make it clear that our methods cannot fully account for the political environment, at least in a year as tilted as 2005.